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Christian Comedian Captures Heart of the Pakistani Community

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by Amina Khan

“Read a lot of anti-Pakistan comments today online because of Independence Day. One of them said that if you’re a Christian and go to Pakistan they’ll immediately kill you. It was weird reading that while eating mangoes with a mix of Muslims and Christians with both a mosque and a church next door,” Comedian Jeremy McLellan said.

If I am being completely honest, I was not a huge fan of the idea of a white person going to a foreign country to “tell their story”, as it touches on the white savior narrative on eradicating the stereotypes of said country. In this case, it was comedian Jeremy McLellan doing a tour in my country of heritage, Pakistan. However, like Americans have misconceptions of Pakistan, I had my misconceptions of the comical McLellan’s trip abroad.

McLellan is a comedian based from Charleston, South Carolina whose jokes interweave with politics and social issues which have attracted the Muslim and Pakistani community. According to an interview with Vice, McLellan never set out to appease Desi’s and Muslims- he just made jokes about what he saw in the news and fate brought him to a huge fanbase.

Through his posts on Facebook and the opportunity I had to conduct an interview with him, I was able to see how much McLellan adores Pakistan- almost as much as Pakistani’s adore him.

AMINA: What was your most memorable part of Pakistan?

JEREMY: There was a moment when we drove around on August 14, Independence day, on top of an SUV which was live streaming on Facebook and we had a lot of fun. Everything was a lot of fun including riding on dirt bikes in Baddomalhi and hanging out with the people. Besides getting sick at one point, I had a lot of fun the entire trip.

A: Were there any stereotypes of Pakistan/Pakistani’s that became a reality?

J: The hospitality was overwhelming and also the lack of personal space. It was like every day was a family reunion and compared to my own culture, our families don’t see each other that often as we’re much closer to our friends. Being over there, it was like a family reunion every day which was great. It was interesting because I knew what to expect as I know so many Pakistani’s so it wasn’t as big of a culture shock as if someone would have just gone with no knowledge. It was funny seeing all my friends asking me what was going to happen to me in Pakistan. One week before I went to Pakistan, I was in Montreal performing and people asked where I was going next, and I said I was going to Pakistan to do a tour. People were asking, “Oh, are you performing for the troops?” And I was just thinking that are there even troops there like what are you talking about and they were just very confused. Actually, there was one lady from LA, a Hollywood agent, and she asked like dead serious, when I go over and perform in Pakistan, how am I going to be able to tell the woman are laughing? And I remember thinking – What in the world do these people think Pakistan is? You know they just assumed that every woman wore a burqa or something. Their seeing and perception of Pakistan are off. I actually have a separate news app on my phone for Pakistani news. It’s very different from what we see in the news here, the news in the US just states that “Oh there was a bomb today”. People know about Pakistan from watching Homeland, which is a universally hated show in Pakistan. They’re like “Pakistan is not like Homeland” and I didn’t know a TV show could be that hated.

A: Where does your inspiration come from for your jokes?

J: It comes from anything that happens to me in any interactions, anything I hear about.  I get a lot of material by interacting with people online – people talk and send messages hence some interaction comes out.

A: What words have you learned in Urdu?

J: *Laughs* It was weird when I got there, it took several days before I realized what “Kaise Ho” meant. Whenever I met people in Pakistan, I thought they were saying “guess who”. Like after saying, Salaam, I was wondering why they were saying “guess who”. It was 5 days before I asked – what are you talking about? *Laughs* Other words I learned were ‘shukriyah, theek hai, accha’ – very basic stuff. It was weird being there when people were talking in Urdu they would slip in some English words and I was trying to figure out what they were saying. It would just be like ‘blah blah blah Jeremy blah blah blah’ and I was just like uhh what’s going on? But I am trying to learn Urdu. I have to as everyone’s talking in Urdu in my comments and I don’t know if they’re angry or what.

A: What do you think are misconceptions people have of Muslims/Pakistan?

J: I mean like with Pakistani’s the biggest misconception people have is that it’s all tribal areas. Their perception is from Homeland – that it’s full of violence and if you’re Christian they’ll kill me. The blasphemy laws are weaponized like someone hates you so they accuse you of blasphemy and try to get you into trouble – mostly in rival businesses. I talked to lots of Christians and it’s fine, they like it. Misconceptions people have about Muslims in the US is that no one seems to understand how diverse the community is. They don’t understand what Muslims are like and assume that two Muslims just argue about religion. They are overall extremely diverse, ideologically and racially, and people don’t realize that.

A: Did you feel safe in Pakistan?

J: I felt safe the whole time except drinking the unfiltered water from the hotel. We had everything we were supposed to have like having locals take us around everywhere and not overdue on security because it would draw too much attention so we didn’t have a caravan take us places. As far as maintaining security we didn’t tell anyone where we were going to be – simple stuff that I do even in the US you know, I have my own security to feel safe. The state department actually told us to not go out on Independence day but we went out anyways.  

Okay, friends. Here it is. The hotel we stayed at in Islamabad was the Hotel Margala on Kashmir Highway. Our entire…

Posted by Jeremy McLellan Comedy on Saturday, August 12, 2017

A: Because some of your jokes are politically driven – do you get hate?

J: Yeah sure I get a lot of that, even from people misunderstanding my jokes. If you’re a politician you want most people to like you and that’s how most people think. If there is one person who hates me then that’s a big danger and I think that’s how God made us you know with evolution. Even throughout history if someone hated you they could kill you, our brains are wired to pay attention to that so you don’t get injured. As an artist you’re not trying to get 51 percent of people to like you – you want people to love you and you really just want a fan base. If 99 percent of America hated me and 1 percent loved me, it’s enough if that 1 percent sent me 10 dollars a year and I would be a multimillionaire. You’re not trying to please everyone, as long as you’re being true to yourself and speak your mind. The trick is finding an audience that receives well and with social media, you can find that audience. You don’t have to try and reach just a local audience with comedy. If you’re trying to appease social media you can reach who likes you and it becomes like a shortcut.

A: What city in Pakistan do you still want to see?

J: Karachi, obviously! I went with my friend Sultan to do medical mission trips in Islamabad and that was basically the center of my trip. I was just doing charity work with Sultan and his family is from Lahore so we went there before and after the trip to Islamabad and set up shows throughout. Everyone in Karachi was angry, telling me I didn’t get good biryani and got fed donkey in Lahore. But yeah, I would also like to see the northern areas and hopefully take my wife next time.

Here's my friend Sultan's write up about the charitable part of our trip to Pakistan! Please read and share!

Posted by Jeremy McLellan Comedy on Thursday, August 24, 2017

We, at TMO, would like to thank Jeremy for taking the time to chat with us!

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New Strategy for Afghanistan Calls for More Troops

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by Aysha Qamar

“My original instinct was to pull out, and historically I like to follow my instincts,” President Donald Trump said in a speech outlining his plan for the 16-year US war in Afghanistan, at the Fort Myer military base in Arlington, Va. “I heard that decisions are much different when you sit behind the desk of the Oval Office.”

Referring to US support as “not a blank check,” Trump announced his new strategy for Afghanistan that calls for a troop increase and Pakistan to do more to stop terrorists, in a speech Monday night.

“Our commitment is not unlimited, and our support is not a blank check,” Trump said. “The government of Afghanistan must carry their share of the military, political, and economic burden.”

According to the Washington Post, he acknowledged that this “approach is a departure from his campaign rhetoric, and said he would prioritize American security over attempting to ‘dictate’ the Afghan people how to live”.

He has pledged that US troops would have a clear definition of victory in Afghanistan, but did not provide any details on what that would mean.

“The men and women who serve our nation in combat deserve a plan for victory,” Trump said. “They deserve the tools they need, and the trust they have earned, to fight and to win.”

In his address, Trump avoided various details stating he would not repeat the Obama administration’s mistake of signaling plans to US enemies.

“We will not talk about numbers of troops or our plans for further military activities,” Trump said. “Conditions on the ground, not arbitrary timetables, will guide our strategy from now on. America’s enemies must never know our plans or believe they can wait us out.”

While Trump has not specified how long for and how many more troops will be sent to Afghanistan, congressional officials have stated an estimate of about 4,000 more than the current 8,400 troops.

“US Marines from India company march as they prepare to depart the American military compound at Kandahar airport, Afghanistan”
Photograph: Mario Tama/Getty Images

The extra deployment has been delayed by the Pentagon pending agreement on an Afghan strategy. The additional troops are to serve in two roles: counterterrorism missions and training the Afghan forces.

He also stated that he would give military commanders the authority to act in real time and expand the authorities for US armed forces to target terrorists and criminal networks in Afghanistan.

“These killers need to know they have nowhere to hide, that no place is beyond the reach of American might and American arms,” Trump said. “Retribution will be fast and powerful.”

“America’s enemies must never know our plans or believe they can wait us out,” he added. “I will not say when we are going to attack, but attack we will.”

Trump also emphasized Pakistan’s role in his plan. The President has threatened to cut off US aid to Pakistan, in order to persuade them to help fight terrorism in Afghanistan- stating they have much to gain from partnering with the effort in Afghanistan and much to lose “by continuing to harbor criminals and terrorists.”

“We can no longer be silent about Pakistan’s safe havens for terrorist organizations, the Taliban and other groups that pose a threat to the region and beyond,” he said.

While Trump stated that Pakistan has been a valued partner, he also reiterated his beliefs that the country has sheltered ‘terrorists’ that “try every single day to kill our people. We have been paying Pakistan billions and billions of dollars at the same time they are housing the very terrorists we are fighting,” Trump said. “But that will have to change, and that will change immediately.”

Afghanistan’s ambassador to Washington, Hamdullah Mohib said Trump’s words were “exactly what we wanted” because it “takes into account our country’s needs and constraints. We did not want it to be about troop numbers or time lines, but to conditions on the ground,” he said while visiting Kabul. “We welcome this strategy that integrates American military power into achieving our shared goals.”

According to Reuters, “a spokesman for the Afghan Taliban condemned Trump’s announcement that he will keep American troops in Afghanistan with no set timetable for withdrawal.”

“Instead of continuing war in Afghanistan, Americans should have thought about withdrawing their soldiers from Afghanistan,” Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid said in a statement issued hours after Trump’s televised speech.

“As long as there is even one American soldier in our country,” the Islamist insurgents would “continue our jihad,” Mujahid said.

Pakistani Supreme Court Announces Verdict on Panama Papers Case

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By Munir M Hasan, PhD

The judgment of the honorable Supreme Court of Pakistan on Panama Papers case has been announced. It is of course a matter of satisfaction and happiness for the people of Pakistan that a corrupt ruler of Pakistan has been disqualified, but still there are some aspects of this decision which are not very satisfactory. I have been trying to understand them and after deliberation for a couple of days I am now in a position to write something about it. My observations are as follows:

  • The former Prime Minister has been declared “not honest in terms of Section 99(1)(f) of the ROPA and Article 62(1)(f) of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan”. Basically, Article 62 of the Constitution of Pakistan is there to determine the Qualification for membership of Parliament, and Article 63 deals with the Disqualification of membership. Disqualifying him on the basis of Article 62 for hiding some information at the time of filing his nomination papers during parliamentary elections of 2013, is a judgment on the violation of election rules and it is not a disqualification on the Panama Papers case.
  • Hiding some information before the authorities is such an offense which is usually done by a large majority of people even in ordinary life. Many service personnel in Pakistan do a part-time or full time second job, or are involved in a business to ease their livelihood. However, this second job is never declared. Businessmen and industrialists never show their full income. Even in civilized countries many people, in addition to their regular jobs, earn some money working on cash. And many, if not all, do not declare this cash income. So, this charge is not as serious as many other offenses of the former Prime Minister.
  • During this hearing, there were many much stronger points on which the Prime Minister could have been disqualified. These may include, lying before the honorable Court, forgery and filing forged documents in the Court, and the circumstantial and documentary evidences of his and his family’s corruption during his tenure as Prime Minister, which could have made him liable for disqualification under Article 63 of the Constitution. Strangely enough, these serious offenses have not been considered for his disqualification.
  • Disqualification under Article 63 not only would have made the Prime Minister disqualified, but also some members of his family would have been disqualified. Disqualifying him under Article 62 seems to be a special favor to the former Prime Minister and to his family.
  • In the initial stage of this hearing, many senior learned lawyers and some former senior judges of the apex court have been giving their opinion that there were so many clear evidences before the court that the decision could have been announced in a week time. However, it took almost 15 months to decide the case only partially.
  • I said “partially” because only the disqualification of the Prime Minister has been announced. After the investigation by the Joint Investigation Team (JIT) many strong documentary proofs are available against the former Prime Minister and his family. However, no punishment has been announced for the Prime Minister and to any member of his family.
  • The references have been ordered against the former Prime Minister and his family members for investigation by the NAB and decision by the NAB Court. The NAB has already been declared as “Dead” by one of the honorable Judges of the Bench. What wonders a dead body can do? It is anybody’s guess. Even if a Judge of the Supreme Court supervises the working of this proceeding, he will only make sure that this trial is completed in the allotted time, but he will never be able to influence on the NAB to make fair cases for the trial.
  • Even if the NAB Court does not request for the enhancement of the allotted time of six months and these cases are decided within the allotted time, then there will be a chain of appeals and reviews which may take years to finally decide the cases.
  • Disqualification under Article 62 of the Constitution of Pakistan is not a punishment. Article 62 only deals with the eligibility of a candidate to contest the elections. So, if the court proceedings for 15 months with all the proofs of corruption could not punish one person – the “Don of Corruption” and “Head of Scicilian Mafia” – then how much time will it take to punish a few hundreds of those whose name are given in the Panama Papers, and thousands of other corrupt persons whose names are not given in Panama Papers?

The two elephants are still strong and healthy, and the field is still open for their fighting. I don’t want to disappoint the people of Pakistan. I have only expressed my assessment of the events. This happiness of the people of Pakistan may not last for long time.

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Indians and Pakistanis Share in Mob Violence Against Victims of their Definition of Blasphemy

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by Saeed Khan

India and Pakistan will both be celebrating their 70th anniversary of independence from British rule this August. While the festivities are only a day apart, these countries have drifted away from one another over the past seven decades with a bitterness that had brought the neighbors to war on three occasions and to the brink of nuclear confrontation at least twice. But as much antagonism these countries bear toward one another, they possess far more similarities than differences. While some may contend that India is much more economically and politically stable than Pakistan, both nations are now confronted by a religious zealotry that makes opaque the line between stability and chaos.

Mashal Khan was a 23-year old journalism student at Abdul Wali Khan University in Mardan, a town in northeastern Pakistan. An outspoken, even provocative, member of campus, Khan was murdered by a mob of his classmates on April 13, 2017. He was dragged out of his dorm room, stripped, beaten and then shot to death. There is still confusion as to why he was killed; some contend his political views and his public criticisms of the university’s administration were the cause. Others claim he was an Ahmadi, long regarded by many Pakistanis and the government, as a heretical group, ineligible to call itself Muslim. The most common reason offered for Khan’s brutal death is that he had committed blasphemy, an act recognized as a criminal offense, though very loosely defined, and more often than not, enforced by zealous members of the public, not by the state.

A week before Mashal Khan was murdered in Pakistan, 55-year old Pehlu Khan was attacked by hundred of people as he was driving his truck in India. Khan was transporting cattle in the western province of Rajasthan. The mob of Hindu extremists killed him for committing a form of blasphemy in their eyes: the eventual slaughter of a cow, considered sacred by Hindus. An inconvenient detail to the horrific episode is that the cows were not destined for the dinner table; they were dairy cows. That did not deter the killers, who were focused on the victim rather than what they supposedly sought to protect.

In India, so-called “cow vigilantes” patrol villages, hunting Muslims who may be slaughtering or even handling cows. Beef consumption is relatively low in the country, as most Muslims prefer lamb and goat, both for its relative affordability and as the result of centuries of deference and religious sensitivity to their Hindu countrymen. Similarly, Christians have also faced increasing discrimination and violence by Hindu extremists who see them as inauthentic Indians, having been converted by missionaries from Portugal and Great Britain, as remnants from the colonial past.

The intensification of India’s fervor against religious minorities is hardly new; communal violence has been a reality for at least a generation, dating back to the destruction of the Babri Mosque, a 16th Century monument in Ayodhya, by a throng of Hindu zealots claiming the mosque stood on the birth site of the deity Rama. The incitement for the incident came from members of the BJP stoking religious discord; with the party now in power, and with Narendra Modi, in particular, leading the nation as its Prime Minister, most find it hardly surprising that millions now feel emboldened to act on their impulses, especially in the absence of any government condemnations or calls for restraint. If anything, the opposite appears to be the case, with Modi appointing hardline officials in the provinces who have openly called for discrimination and worse to be directed toward Muslims.

Prime Minister Modi has promised an ambitious program of reforms for the country to modernize. He has pledged to vastly improve India’s infrastructure, aiding the growth of the nation’s economy beyond its already energetic rate of progress. But Modi also traffics in religious nationalism, appealing to the basest emotions of communal difference, a tactic he used effectively in his prior role as Chief Minister of Gujarat Province, the site of some of the worst communal violence since the country’s independence and partition. India aspires to be perceived as an international, not merely a regional power, and a future economic power in the same league as western nations, China and Japan. Modi’s silence on the current wave of such violence may win him votes and support within India, but it may impede the nation’s ability to gain the legitimacy it craves to be seen as a developed, not developing country.

India and Pakistan are far from the only countries today that suffer the throes of religiously motivated violence. But the charge of blasphemy that drives so much of it in these subcontinent neighbors is unprecedented in its brutality and lack of restraint. Neither government appears equipped or willing to condemn, let alone take swift and strong measures to end the mayhem. Religious leaders seem equally impotent to declare the ungodliness of invoking blasphemy. At this stage, power appears to lie in the public and its own sense of indignation to be judge, jury, enforcer, and executioner in the name of religion: ironically, the very definition of the blasphemy it claims to be attacking.

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Pakistani Women Reclaim the Streets by Getting on Bicycles

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by Fatima Ahmed

Pakistani society, a male-dominated society, isn’t always a friendly and safe atmosphere for women living there. In fact, women often find themselves victims of catcalling, harassment, assault, and much worse. Because of this culture, women are discouraged from venturing out into public alone. Simple tasks like running errands in certain areas of the country can be difficult to accomplish for women living on their own. But that is not about to stop Pakistani women from reclaiming the public areas they have the right to. And they plan to do it in a saddle.

On April 2nd, 2017,  dozens of Pakistani women participated in female-only bicycle races in cities like Islamabad, Karachi, and Lahore. The race was a way to encourage women to reclaim public spaces and was organized by the Pakistani group called Girls at Dhabas. They are more than a group, however—they are a movement that started more than two years ago as a way to showcase women defiantly existing in public spaces. And it is still going strong today.

It started in Karachi with Sadia Khatri when she uploaded a picture of herself on Instagram with the hashtag #girlsatdhabas. Soon after, photos of women boldly loitering in dhabas started flooding Instagram and Twitter. This sparked an entire battle for the freedom of mobility and the right to access public spaces regardless of gender in Pakistan. Most recently, this battle manifested itself in the aforementioned bicycle race which spanned the entire nation. Women proudly rode they two-wheelers despite the stigma and danger associated with the activity.

Riding bicycles as a way of claiming independence, freedom, and agency is occurring more frequently in Pakistani feminism. Last summer saw the Women on Wheels (Wow) rally in Lahore, where 150 female motorcyclists participated. As part of the project, Chief Minister Sharif even launched a program to give 1, 000 pink scooters to women at a 50 percent subsidized rate. The hope was to encourage and train more young working women to ride motorcycles.

Also supporting this movement is Superpower Motorcycle. Last year, this automotive company hosted a four-week training session for women learning to ride motorbikes in Karachi. Women were invited to take lessons for free in the hopes that it will encourage them to be independent with their transportation. Mehwish Ekhlaque, one of the few women who has been riding her bike around Karachi for years, was asked to train the women. And she served as a great inspiration for them.

Ekhlaque lost her husband in 2012. Without his support, she had no choice but to get a job and her new job required transportation. Before her husband passed away, he had taught her how to ride his bike for pleasure purposes, but she would later use it for her livelihood. She has since been using the motorbike as a means to get around the city. She now has three bikes and has never gotten in an accident. Ekhlaque’s story is a reminder that adopting bicycles and motorbikes as a method of liberation isn’t a new trend for Pakistani women, but a necessity.

In places like Pakistan, women are not allowed to be independent. By making it difficult for women to access public spaces, be mobile, or self-sufficient, society is insidiously taking away their equality. However, through bicycles and motorbikes, Pakistani women can once again feel free to operate on their own. Who would have thought that bicycles and motorbikes would become the new symbol of Pakistani feminism?